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李洪志策划指挥“4·25”非法聚集事件真相(中英对照)

发布日期:2007年11月23日   文章来源:中国新闻网   作者:牛爱民 王雷鸣 李术峰
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  今年4月25日,首都北京风和日丽。然而,就在这天,突然发生了一起大规模的非法聚集事件。一万多名来自北京、天津、河北、山东、辽宁、内蒙古等地的“法轮功”练习者,有组织地集合起来围住了中南海,矛头直指党中央、国务院,严重干扰了党和国家最高领导机关的正常工作,扰乱了首都的社会秩序。这是1989年那场政治风波以来最严重的政治事件,在国内外造成了极其恶劣的政治影响。

  这一事件的真相终于被揭露出来,直接策划、指挥这起事件的中心人物,就是“法轮功”的总头目李洪志。而事发后,李洪志却在国外频繁接受媒体采访,编造谎言,百般抵赖,为自己的罪责开脱。他先是说,对“4·25”非法聚集事件全然不知,当时他正在从美国到澳大利亚的路途中。当人们摆出他到过北京的证据时,他又不得不承认他确实到过北京,但只是为了转机,没有离开机场。随着事实的不断披露,在这一谎言再度被戳穿后,他又改口说在北京只停留了一天,但“没有与任何人接触”。

  李洪志的谎言一次次被事实戳穿。他隐藏在这些谎言背后的违法犯罪阴谋活动,已经清楚地浮现出来。

  兴风作浪 山雨欲来

  李洪志是在“4·25”非法聚集事件发生前三天,即4月22日17时10分乘坐美国西北航空公司NW087次航班,从纽约飞到北京的。他在北京停留的时间不是一天,而是前后跨了三天,共44个小时。

  22日入境时,李洪志在北京首都机场的一张入境登记卡上留下了自己潦草的字迹。

  姓名:李洪志

  护照证件号码:001106787

  中国签证号:003821

  在华地址:吉林省长春市解放大路103号

  在“职业”一栏,李洪志在“商业人员”一项下打了一个勾。从他入境填表这一刻到他24日13时30分搭乘中国国际航空公司CA109次航班离境赴香港,他在北京根本没有从事过任何商业活动。

  李洪志从大洋彼岸潜回北京,完全是“有备而来”。他事先通知了“法轮大法研究会”的核心骨干纪烈武。他一从机场回到崇文区法华寺小区16号楼他的一所相当高级的住宅,就迫不及待地让纪烈武汇报这几天“法轮功”练习者围攻天津师范大学教育学院的情况。这表明李洪志一开始就想抓住这件事策划一场更大的阴谋活动。

  今年4月初,天津师范大学教育学院主办的刊物《青少年科技博览》,刊登了中国科学院院士何祚庥写的文章《我不赞成青少年练气功》,其中讲到:“有一篇关于‘法轮功’的宣传材料,就说有某工程师练了‘法轮功’后,元神出窍了,可以钻到炼钢炉里,亲眼看到炼钢炉的原子分子的种种化学变化。”何祚庥就此诙谐地提出:“炼钢炉里的温度比太上老君炭炉里的温度要高出几百度,钻进去,可能吗?”文章另一段提到,中科院理论物理研究所有一名学生因为修炼“法轮功”而“不吃、不喝、不睡、不说话”,最后被送进精神病院治疗,病愈后仍修炼“法轮功”,导致病情复发。

  就是这样一篇文章,使李洪志和“法轮功”的头头们感到有了闹事的机会。4月19日,众多的“法轮功”练习者突然涌进天津师大教育学院静坐、示威,把学校正常的教学和生活秩序完全打乱。

  去年5月,北京电视台曾经因为一个节目里有不同意“法轮功”的内容而遭到“法轮功”练习者1000多人数日的围攻。但是李洪志认为那次围攻组织得不好,未能把事情闹大,为此他还撤掉了“法轮功”北京总站的一个负责人。这一次李洪志决心利用天津师大教育学院这件事掀起一场更大的风波。通过他操纵控制的“法轮大法研究会”的具体组织,事态果然一步步地扩大了:

  ———李洪志潜入北京的前一天,4月21日,“法轮大法研究会”副会长、李洪志跟前的另一个显赫人物王治文,要求“法轮功”天津总站煽动练习者去天津师大教育学院示威。

  ———李洪志潜入北京的当天,4月22日,在天津师大教育学院聚集的“法轮功”练习者达到2000多人。“法轮功”天津总站再次派人到北京向王治文汇报。王治文对这么多人去闹表示“满意”,并指示他们:“可以白天去,晚上撤。”

  ———李洪志潜入北京的第二天,4月23日,围攻天津师大教育学院的人数从2000多人激增到6000多人。当“法轮功”天津总站向王治文报告有关部门要劝离非法聚集的“法轮功”练习者时,王治文说:“怕什么,这不正是考验吗?”随后,两三千名“法轮功”练习者又到天津市委、市政府门前非法聚集。

  天津的事件正随着李洪志来到北京而升温。但是,李洪志的目标并不只是在天津闹事,而是处心积虑地要把事态扩大到北京,造成更大规模的社会震荡。

  密室策划 扩大事态

  4月23日上午,李洪志把“法轮大法研究会”的核心骨干李昌、纪烈武等人召到他的住处,密谋策划把天津的事情闹大,把火烧到北京中南海。

  李昌和纪烈武在会上说:“天津的事情不能找北京哪个部门,要找中央和国务院。”李洪志当即说:“到北京去!”“要去中央,去国务院!”

  李洪志强调:“人少了不行,要多去点。去年北京电视台的事就是人去少了,要是去的人多,问题早就解决了。”同时,李洪志还让王治文跟外地打招呼:“人来得越多越好”,强调“这是最后一次机会了。”

  李洪志在这次秘密会议上还为围攻中南海的活动制定了一个策略:不能用“法轮大法研究会”和辅导总站的名义去做这些事情,要把普通练习者推到闹事的第一线。他要李昌、王治文、纪烈武等人去具体组织、落实。

  “4·25”非法聚集中南海的计划,就这样在李洪志亲自密谋策划后定了下来。

  23日下午1时30分左右,在首都体育馆南路1号院30门15号,现已定居加拿大的“法轮功”核心骨干叶浩的家里,李昌、纪烈武秉承李洪志的旨意,召开了具体部署“4·25”非法聚集活动的第一次会议。

  李昌传达了李洪志的决定,要求他们通知所有“法轮功”练习者,4月25日清晨到中南海聚集。他特别强调,“不单是解决天津问题,而且是弘法和护法”。为了落实这一计划,他们还决定利用24日的“学法例会”,向“法轮功”北京总站各辅导站的负责人进行布置。

  会议还没有结束,纪烈武就匆匆跑到李洪志住处,汇报计划落实的情况和具体措施。李洪志对这次会议表示满意。

  23日晚,为了维护正常的社会秩序,天津市公安局对连续几天围攻天津师大教育学院的“法轮功”练习者采取了劝离措施。“法轮功”练习者陆续离去。整个行动很平和,公安局没有抓一个人,也没有发生其他任何问题。

  天津“法轮功”练习者被劝离的消息传到北京,当晚22时左右,“法轮大法研究会”的骨干们又聚集在叶浩家召开了部署“4·25”非法聚集活动的第二次会议。会上,李昌、王治文造谣说:天津警察抓人了,听说还死了人,还有人失踪了。他们要求把这些谣言传出去,为煽动“法轮功”练习者大规模非法聚集中南海作舆论准备。

  会议还研究确定了去中南海向党和政府施加压力的三条无理要求:第一,要求公安机关立即放人;第二,给“法轮功”提供宽松的环境;第三,允许出版有关“法轮功”的书籍。

  李洪志反复标榜他“对政治不感兴趣”,多次声称“‘法轮功’不涉及政治”,可他一方面建立组织,秘密串联,四处渗透;一方面摇旗呐喊,造谣惑众,策动非法聚众示威。从他们提出的这三条要求看,目的就在于把他们的非法组织合法化,任由他们发展,以便纠集、形成一股邪恶的政治势力,与党和政府进行长期的抗衡。这不是政治又是什么呢!

  越是阴谋,就越是害怕阳光。按照李洪志“不要暴露这次活动是‘研究会’组织发动的”这一要求,“法轮大法研究会”核心骨干密谋商定,“4·25”行动时李昌、王治文、纪烈武3人和北京总站负责人都不到中南海现场,以免有的“法轮功”练习者认出他们,看出他们的组织者身份。

  李洪志在作了精心策划、部署之后核心骨干们商定,北京这边一动,他就不宜留在北京,要赶快走,免得把自己暴露出来。为了掩盖罪责,4月24日一早,李洪志匆匆收拾行李,在纪烈武的护送下赶往首都机场,买了10时20分飞往香港的CA111次航班的机票。但班机因机械故障不能准点起飞,李洪志又改乘CA109次航班,于13时30分飞往香港。

  就这样,李洪志从22日晚上到24日上午,在北京停留44个小时。在这段时间里,他的全部心思都用在了策划、组织“4·25”非法聚集活动上。他在悉尼对记者一本正经地说什么“只在北京停留一天”、“没与任何人接触”等等,完全是一派胡言。

  严密组织 恶意围攻

  李洪志匆匆溜走后,由他一手策划的围攻中南海行动,在李昌、王治文、纪烈武等人的具体组织下,紧锣密鼓地付诸实施。同时,他坐镇香港,遥控指挥。

  4月24日上午8时30分,在北京东城区藏经馆胡同7号,召开了“法轮功”北京总站及区县辅导站骨干的“学法例会”。“学法例会”,顾名思义是为学习“法轮功”而定期举行的会议,实际上是“法轮大法研究会”操纵“法轮功”练习者的一个重要组织形式。这次“学法例会”,就成了他们为部署“4·25”非法聚集活动而举行的第三次会议。

  李昌、王治文在会上按照李洪志的要求,对“4·25”行动作了具体布置,确定去中南海聚集行动的具体时间为4月25日清晨。为了掩盖他们的政治阴谋,会上决定:在中南海聚集现场,各分站长要特别安排一些人负责安全、交通、秩序和卫生,包括现场联系,出现情况和问题要及时处理;并确定了聚集的策略,参加的练习者不喊口号、不带标语、不撒传单、不要有过激言辞,对外不用“研究会”和辅导站的名义。会上还决定,“法轮功”北京总站副站长刘志春负责通知北京各区县,王治文负责通知外地。

  会上传达了李洪志为了把练习者们哄骗到这次行动中来编出的一套说词:为了“护法”,要站出来求得一个“圆满”。同时要求通过各区县分站把这个意思告诉练习者:为大法修炼争取宽松环境,这本身也是“弘法”和“护法”,大家要自觉参与到“弘法”和“护法”中来;参加聚集行动是个人自愿、个人行为、个人负责。

  就这样,李洪志一方面利用“师父”、“老师”的身份让“法轮功”练习者按照他的图谋行动;一方面又竭力避免把他自己和他的一套组织暴露出来。

  4月24日下午,李昌、纪烈武等“法轮大法研究会”的核心骨干及北京“法轮功”总站负责人,在叶浩家召开了部署“4·25”非法聚集活动的第四次会议。

  李昌继续抬出李洪志为大家打气。他说:“师傅说这种事情是最后一次了,再也不会有什么机会了。”

  这次会议进一步明确了“4·25”行动现场指挥的组织分工:李昌、纪烈武负责全面指挥,王治文负责与外地联络,刘志春负责与北京各区县联络,姚洁负责与现场联络,刘树人负责通过互联网对外发表宣传稿件。会议还决定,在二七剧场附近的姚洁家设立“指挥部”,在民族宫附近柯明家设立现场联络点,派陈东月、李月秋等在中南海现场了解情况,及时向“指挥部”报告。最后,李昌反复强调总站以上负责人均不到中南海聚集现场。

  根据会议的分工,王治文以“法轮大法研究会”的名义,向河北、山东、辽宁、天津、内蒙古等地的“法轮功”负责人打出一系列电话,要求他们组织“法轮功”练习者于4月25日晨到北京中南海府右街“护法”。

  李洪志的意图,很快传达给“法轮功”各总站站长,各总站站长又逐级传达给各分站、辅导站以及练功者。至此,“4·25”行动的准备工作全部就绪。李洪志及其“法轮功”组织开始向党和政府发难了。

  4月24日21时40分,中南海北门出现了第一批约40名“法轮功”练习者。

  25日凌晨3时07分,北海附近出现来自河北的十几辆大客车,客车上的人陆续在附近地下通道内集中。

  3时30分,另一部分人在护城河边汇集。

  5时13分,大批“法轮功”练习者开始从北海公园正门向西行进;另一批人从胡同中走向府右街。

  6时55分,府右街出现大批行进人群。

  7时,中南海西门府右街一带已形成静坐场面。

  这以后,聚集的人继续增多。至25日上午,人数已达1万余人。众多善良的“法轮功”练习者,在李洪志的蒙骗和煽动下,为了“长功”,为了“消业”,为了“圆满”,为了寻找一个好“气场”,来到中南海非法聚集。

  4月25日上午8时,记者在事发现场看到,中南海北门路对面,自东向西一直到府右街北口,便道上站满“法轮功”练习者。记者询问其中一些人:“你们这是在做什么?”来自北京远郊县的一名妇女说,要在这里练功。记者问道:“这哪里是练功的地方?为什么要到这里来练功?”这名妇女无言以对。下午,非法聚集人数逐渐增多。18时左右,人群已排列到北海公园前门团城下。此时,府右街的交通中断,非法聚集严重影响了周围地区的社会秩序。

  根据事先的安排,25日清晨,李昌、王治文、纪烈武、刘志春等20多人陆续来到在姚洁家设立的“指挥部”,频繁地与中南海聚集现场联系,不断发布命令,进行指挥。

  当日早上,中办、国办信访局的工作人员约见了现场“法轮功”练习者的代表,明确指出“法轮功”练习者围聚中南海是错误的、非法的,应立即撤离,并作了大量教育工作。9时许,“法轮功”现场人员向“指挥部”报告说,4名代表进了中南海“对话”,但进去的人对为什么要搞这次活动说不清楚,又换了4个人进去,两拨人都说不清楚,要求“法轮大法研究会”和北京总站派能说清楚的人去谈。经李昌、王治文、纪烈武等人商量,并请示了在香港的李洪志同意后,决定由原来不准备露面的李昌、王治文等5人作为代表进中南海“对话”。

  遥控指挥 图谋难逞

  4月25日,躲在香港的李洪志又在做什么呢?

  事实上,李洪志在香港的住所内,一刻也没有闲着。25日一大早,他就打来电话向“法轮大法研究会”核心骨干了解聚集中南海的情况。在整个事件过程中,他始终紧张地与北京的“指挥部”保持着“热线”联系,不断下达指示,遥控指挥现场活动。北京“指挥部”也不断给李洪志打电话汇报、请示。25日当天,他们频繁来往电话20多次。在通话中,他多次要求“让外地人多来些,再多来些。”

  纪烈武将现场情况和有关问题及时报告李洪志。当现场聚集一万多人时,纪烈武打电话告诉了李洪志。李洪志说:“好,外地学员多不多?”在两拨代表进中南海“对话”后,纪烈武也都及时向李洪志作了报告,李洪志说“行”。当中办、国办信访局提出让“法轮大法研究会”和“法轮功”北京总站派人来谈时,纪烈武立即请示李洪志,李洪志答复说:“找你谈,你干嘛不去。”

  李昌、王治文、郝嘉凤、周德承、刘树人等“法轮大法研究会”的5名代表,与有关方面负责人无理纠缠长达八九个小时。在此期间,远在香港的李洪志多次催问向中央施压的结果。在没有得到李洪志的指令之前,中南海周围非法聚集的人群仍没有散去的迹象。

  当北京市政府发布通告要求聚集者离开时,纪烈武立即报告李洪志,并请示聚集在中南海附近的人撤不撤。李洪志问:代表出来没有?纪烈武回答说,还没有。李洪志明确表示不能撤。

  21时左右,李昌、王治文等人出来后,纪烈武再次报告李洪志。李洪志问:谈得怎么样?纪烈武说:“明天还要接着谈。”由于中办、国办信访局负责人严厉要求“法轮功”练习者立即停止非法聚集,他们请示李洪志当晚是否撤离,李洪志说:“老李(李昌)让走就走吧。”纪烈武接到这一指令,通知“指挥部”,“让大家都撤”。

  李洪志一手策划、指挥的“4·25”非法聚集围攻中南海事件就这样宣告收场。

  4月26日清晨6时左右,当李洪志了解到李昌等人并没有见到中央领导,就给纪烈武打来电话质问道:“昨天没有见到中央领导,李昌怎么就让大家撤了?”为此,他大为恼火,责怪为什么没有谈出个结果来。

  8时左右,李昌、纪烈武等人陆续来到姚洁家。纪烈武说:昨天不该撤,师父还以为见到中央领导了,情况没有搞清楚。李洪志还要他以“师父”的名义通知外地“法轮功”练习者继续来京,要大家再去中南海,人越多越好。纪烈武还叫嚣:“修炼的人什么也不怕,不怕死;必要时还是要流点血,流血才好呢!”

  纪烈武的话,清楚地表明了李洪志的险恶用心,他就是要把万余名“法轮功”练习者作为棋子,妄图把中国安定团结的局面搞乱,以达到他不可告人的政治目的。

  随着事件真相的不断披露,人们越来越清醒地认识到,“4·25”大规模非法聚集事件完全是一起有目的、有预谋、有组织、有策略地向党和政府示威施压、企图搞乱全国的重大政治事件。

  尽管4月25日当天李洪志不在北京,但他却在中国的土地上操纵、指挥着“法轮功”练习者围攻中南海的非法聚集事件。直至26日下午,纪烈武赶到香港,当面向李洪志详细汇报了围攻中南海的全部经过后,李洪志才搭乘国泰航空公司CX103次航班飞往澳大利亚布里斯班。

  从指责围攻北京电视台的人太少,到决定把天津的事情闹大,并把火烧到北京来;从确定4月25日在北京发难,到决定围攻中南海,直接向党中央、国务院示威施压;从决定不以“法轮大法研究会”的名义出面,而把不明真相的“法轮功”练习者推向前台,到决定派出代表到中南海向党中央、国务院提出三条无理要求;从对事件现场的遥控指挥,到决定事件的最终收场等大量事实充分证明,这一切都是李洪志亲自策划、指挥的。

  李洪志的险恶阴谋彻底破灭了。但他苦心策划、指挥的“4·25”非法聚集事件选在春夏之交,大有深意;地点定在中南海,居心险恶。这一切与国外敌对势力掀起的反华浊流遥相呼应,干了他们想干而干不了的事。

  “蚍蜉撼大树,可笑不自量”。这个自称能洞悉宇宙奥秘的李洪志,错误地判断了形势,高估了自己的力量,到头来只能是搬起石头砸自己的脚,被押上历史的审判台。

 

2001年3月8日 08:57 

Li's key role in meet unmasked

A LENGTHY report by the People's Daily and Xinhua News Agency on Thursday reviewed the entire story of the illegal gathering at Zhongnanhai by practitioners on April 25, and unveiled Li Hongzhi's behind-the-scenes scheme.

On April 25, more than 10,000 people systematically gathered around Zhongnanhai, headquarters of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the State Council.

This large-scale illegal gathering seriously disturbed the normal work of the top organizations of the Party and the State, disrupted social order in the capital Beijing, and was the most serious political incident since the 1989 political turmoil, and had an extremely bad impact at home and abroad.

The whole truth now has come out: the chief figure who directly plotted and controlled the incident was Li Hongzhi, the ringleader of the cult.

Li, who frequently gave media interviews abroad, however, lied at the beginning when he said he knew nothing about the April 25 illegal gathering, since he was en route from the United States to Australia at that time.

Faced with evidence of his stay in Beijing, Li had to correct himself, saying that he was in Beijing changing flights and did not leave the airport. When more evidence came out, Li again corrected himself and said he had been in Beijing for one day, but had "contacted nobody."

Li Hongzhi's lies have been laid bare by the facts, one after another. His crimes and schemes hidden behind these lies are now exposed to the public.

Li arrived in Beijing on April 22 from New York aboard US Northwest Airlines Flight NW087, and identified himself as a business person on his entry registration card. As a matter of fact, Li engaged in no commercial activities in Beijing up to the time he left for Hong Kong on Air China Flight CA109 on April 24. He actually stayed in Beijing for 44 hours, not one day as he claimed.

Li's return to Beijing was well planned. He notified Ji Liewu, a key member of the Research Society of Falun Dafa, in advance. As soon as Li returned to his Beijing residence in Chongwen District, Ji came to report the circumstances about practitioners besieging Tianjin Normal University.

Li's eagerness to learn about the siege shows, that from the very beginning, he wanted to plot an even larger incident out of the Tianjin gathering.

A magazine sponsored by Tianjin Normal University published an article on Qigong written by He Zuoxiu, an academic at the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), in early April.

He expounded his ideas on Qigong, questioning a piece of Falun Gong propaganda which claimed that after practising Falun Gong, an engineer was able to go into a working steel-smelting furnace and see with his own eyes the chemical changes occurring at the atomic and molecular level.

He also told what happened to a student with whom he was working at the CAS Institute of Theoretical Physics, to expose Falun Gong's evils.

The student had to be sent to a mental facility twice after refusing to eat, drink, or sleep, or speak to anyone after practising Falun Gong.

Leaders of Falun Gong including Li Hongzhi saw the limited circulation of the magazine in which He's article was published as an opportunity to make trouble.

On April 19, a massive number of Falun Gong practitioners burst into Tianjin Normal University, staging a sit-in demonstration, and completely disrupting the normal teaching and living activities at the university.

In May 1998, Beijing Television Station was besieged for several days by more than 1,000 Falun Gong practitioners because the station broadcast a programme unfavourable to Falun Gong.

Li Hongzhi, however, was not content with the turmoil he stirred up, and considered his actions up to then to be not influential enough. He even dismissed a leader of the Beijing branch, a branch of the Research Society of Falun Dafa, for not obeying his orders.

Li Hongzhi decided to make use of the event at Tianjin Normal University to cause a big storm. The Research Society of Falun Dafa, manipulated by Li Hongzhi, then enlarged the entire scenario, as Li expected.

On April 21, one day before Li Hongzhi sneaked into Beijing from the United States, Wang Zhiwen, deputy head of the society, incited the Tianjin branch to lodge a protest at Tianjin Normal University.

On April 22, when Li Hongzhi arrived in Beijing, over 2,000 practitioners took part in the gathering. Wang Zhiwen was satisfied with the situation and notified leaders of the Tianjin branch that practitioners could gather during the day and disperse at night.

On April 23, the second day Li spent in Beijing, practitioners at Tianjin Normal University proliferated to more than 6,000 from the original 2,000.

When the Tianjin branch prepared to ask the practitioners to leave on learning that the gathering would be stopped by the authorities, Wang Zhiwen, however, said the practitioners should not be afraid and should take it as a test. Another 2,000 to 3,000 people then gathered in front of the Tianjin Municipal People's Government.

The situation in Tianjin was getting worse as Li arrived in Beijing. But what Li deliberately planned was to cause social unrest on a larger scale, and Beijing became his next target.

On the morning of April 23, at his Beijing residence, Li Hongzhi called together several core members, including Li Chang and Ji Liewu, and agreed with them that the followers should "go to the central government, go to the State Council." He also asked to have more people drawn to Beijing. "The more, the better," he said, stressing that "this will be the last chance."

At this secret meeting, Li worked out a strategy for the massing around Zhongnanhai. The gathering could not be accomplished in the name of the Research Society of Falun Dafa and its branches, and ordinary practitioners should be pushed to the front line.

The April 25 illegal gathering was thus designed by Li Hongzhi and arranged and carried out by his key followers step by step.

On the afternoon of the same day, Li Chang, Ji Liewu and Ye Hao, another key member of Falun Gong organizations who now lives in Canada, held the first meeting to plot the April 25 illegal gathering in detail.

Li Chang related Li Hongzhi's decision on the Zhongnanhai massing. He asked Ji and Ye to inform all practitioners to get together outside Zhongnanhai early on the morning of April 25, to "not only solve the Tianjin problem, but also safeguard Falun Gong."

They also decided to tell leaders of the Beijing branch what to do at a routine meeting on April 24.

Before the meeting was over, Ji Liewu rushed to report the implementation plan to Li Hongzhi, who expressed his satisfaction with this preparatory meeting.

On the evening of April 23, practitioners in Tianjin abandoned their illegal besieging of Tianjin Normal University at the persuasion of local police. No one was detained and the retreat was peaceful.

When the news reached Beijing, Li Chang, Wang Zhiwen and some key members of the society held a meeting in Beijing at 10: 00 pm, in which they spread rumours that police in Tianjin had arrested some local Falun Gong leaders and practitioners, and that some were killed and others missing. Those rumours were intended to mobilize a large-scale illegal gathering near the Zhongnanhai compound.

At the meeting, they also decided to put forward three demands to the central government during the planned besieging of Zhongnanhai: first, those detained in Tianjin by the police be freed immediately; a more favourable and friendly environment be provided for the practice of Falun Gong; and Falun Gong publications be allowed.

Li Hongzhi repeatedly said he is "uninterested in political activities" and that "Falun Gong is not engaged in any form of politics." In fact, he had been actively and secretly planning to expand the illegal organization and penetrate its influence into every corner of society.

Their three demands to the central government were signs they were trying to legalize their illegal organization and activities, so as to challenge and rival the Party and the government.

In order to conceal the Falun Dafa Research Society as the organizer of the illegal gathering, (as Li Hongzhi had ordered), the key figures of the Society decided they would stay away from the gathering site for fear of being recognized by practitioners.

After these careful plots and arrangements, the key figures of the society said Li Hongzhi should not stay in Beijing during this time of action, but "must get out of here right away."

On the morning of April 24, Li purchased a ticket for Air China Flight CA111 at the airport to fly to Hong Kong. But because of the flight's delay, he changed to Flight CA109 for Hong Kong, and departed at 1:30 pm.

Li Hongzhi came to China in the capacity of a businessman, but devoted his 44-hour stay here totally to the planning and conspiring of the illegal gathering near Zhongnanhai. His claim to journalists in Sydney that he stayed in Beijing just for one day and never contacted anybody was a lie.

After Li Hongzhi fled out of Beijing, his key followers, including Li Chang and Wang Zhiwen, were left with the responsibility of implementing all his plans.

At 8:30 am on April 24, a "regular meeting for studying Falun Dafa" was held by the leaders of the Beijing general branch of the society and sub-branches in counties and districts in Beijing at the address 7 Cangjingguan Lane, in eastern Beijing.

Li and Wang said at the meeting that the date for the illegal gathering near Zhongnanhai compound would be April 25. The leaders of sub-branches were assigned the tasks of security, transportation, order and sanitary matters at the gathering site.

They set the strategy for the illegal gathering as "no slogans, no banners, no flyers, no fierce verbal attacks and no revelation of the organizer _ the Falun Dafa Research Society."

Deputy-director of the general branch in Beijing Liu Zhichun was told to inform all the sub-branches in Beijing, while Wang Zhiwen was responsible for the areas outside Beijing.

An announcement created by Li Hongzhi himself was also made during the meeting to coax practitioners out onto the streets. It was: everyone should stand up to fulfil their dues for the protection of Falun Dafa, and their actions should be individually voluntary.

It is evident Li was taking advantage of his capacity as "tutor" and "master" to realize his own political ambitions, and at the same time attempting to prevent his organization's illegal nature from being exposed.

On the afternoon of April 24, the Falun Dafa Research Society and its Beijing General Branch convened another meeting of key figures to further mobilize practitioners for the next day's move.

They set up "command headquarters" and a liaison centre, designated two persons responsible for communications between the gathering site and the headquarters, and another responsible for propaganda to be published on the Internet.

Li Chang further stressed that leaders above the level of general branches must refrain from appearing at the gathering site to avoid being recognized by practitioners.

Afterwards, Wang Zhiwen made numerous calls to local leaders in the provinces of Hebei, Shandong, Liaoning and the city of Tianjin, asking them to organize followers to go to the Zhongnanhai compound on the morning of April 25 to "protect Falun Dafa."

Now, "all the preparations for the April 25 action were ready," as Li Chang admitted later.

Later, everything went on just as planned by Li Hongzhi.

_ The first group of practitioners arrived at the northern gate of the Zhongnanhai compound as early as 9:40 pm on April 24;

_ In the small hours of April 25, at 3:07 am, passenger buses from nearby Hebei Province also arrived, and people began to disembark. At 3:30 am, another group of practitioners gathered at the moat near Zhongnanhai;

_ At 5:13 am, a large group of practitioners appeared at the gate of Beihai Park and walked westward; and at 5:34 am, many practitioners started to appear from lanes;

_ And by 7:00 am, a large-scale sit-in had been formed at the western gate of Zhongnanhai.

The size of the sit-in kept growing, and exceeded 10,000 by later that morning.

At 8:00 am, Xinhua reporters arrived at the site where the streets were full of practitioners, most being the elderly, women and farmers from the countryside.

When questioned, a woman farmer from Beijing's outskirts said they were practising Falun Gong, but refused to answer why they were doing it near Zhongnanhai.

The practitioners kept coming in the afternoon, and pedestrian traffic on the street in front of the western gate of Zhongnanhai was totally blocked, and transportation on Chang'an Avenue also was seriously affected.

According to previous arrangements, Li Chang, Wang Zhiwen, Ji Liewu and some 20 other key figures gathered at the "command headquarters" at Yao Jie's home. At 9:00 am, the "headquarters" received reports from the sit-in site that four representatives were sent to talk with the central government, but failed to give clear reasons for the gathering.

Members at the sit-in site requested capable people from the Falun Dafa research society or its Beijing general branch to come out for the "dialogue."

Finally, Li Chang and Wang Zhiwen decided to come out of the closet, and headed a five-member "delegation" to the Zhongnanhai compound for "dialogue."

Li Hongzhi, then in Hong Kong, was by no means inactive. He was in close touch with the Beijing "headquarters," hearing reports and issuing orders. Evidence shows that over 20 calls were made between Li and the "headquarters" on April 25, and that all the actions in Beijing were taken after being directed by Li Hongzhi.

When Ji Liewu informed Li Hong zhi that about 10,000 people had already gathered at the sit-in site, Li asked, "Are there many practitioners from outside Beijing?"

When he was told that the first two groups of "negotiators" were sent to Zhongnanhai, Li said, "All right."

Li also asked Ji, "Why don't you go to Zhongnanhai now that they (the government) want to talk with you?"

The Beijing Municipal Government issued a decree demanding that the demonstrators leave. Li Hongzhi told Ji that they should still wait until the "negotiators" came out. The five "negotiators" headed by Li Chang pestered the Letters and Calls Bureau of the State Council for nearly nine hours.

When the "negotiators" all came out, Li asked how it was going. Ji answered that the talks would continue the next day. Then, Li said the practitioners besieging Zhongnanhai may leave.

At around 6:00 am on April 26, when Li came to know his " negotiators" were not talking with leaders of the central government, he called Ji Liewu to furiously blame Li Chang for calling off the sit-in before talking to top officials.

With pieces of evidence coming together, it is now known that the April 25 illegal gathering at Zhongnanhai was a premeditated and well-organized political incident aimed at exerting pressure on the Party and the government and unsettling the country.

Evidence shows that Li Hongzhi was the behind-the-scenes chief organizer of all illegal activities, from the attacks on the Beijing TV Station, the escalation of the sit-in demonstration in Tianjin and to the April 25 illegal gathering in Beijing.

However, the man who claims to possess supernatural powers has overestimated his own power. He is no more than a flea trying vainly to topple an elephant, and he will be tried by history.

(Xinhua, August 14, 1999)

(责任编辑:)

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